摘要:This commentary revisits Coppock and Brochhagen’s (2013) account of implications of speaker ignorance attested for sentences with unembedded at least. The general principle that Coppock and Brochhagen propose to derive inferences about the speaker’s information state is shown to not fully derive the intended ignorance implications for at least sentences and also for disjunctions. A variant of Coppock and Brochhagen’s account is formulated, which for unembedded at least sentences replicates the effects of an earlier proposal in Büring (2008). EARLY ACCESS VERSION
其他摘要:This commentary revisits Coppock & Brochhagen’s 2013 account of speaker ignorance inferences associated with at least . The general principle that Coppock & Brochhagen propose to derive inferences about the speaker’s information state, the Maxim of Interactive Sincerity, is shown to not fully derive the intended ignorance inferences. Amendments to Coppock & Brochhagen’s proposal are discussed, but an account of the relevant inferences in terms of Gricean quantity implicature, as proposed in Büring 2008 and subsequent work, emerges as more parsimonious.
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